Maurizio Ambrosini is professor of Sociology of Migration at the University of Milan, Department of Social and Political Sciences, ISPI Scientific Advisor and chargé d’enseignement at the University of Nice-Sophia Antipolis (France). In his Department, he has furthered the creation of L.I.M.eS.
Risultati della ricerca:
Why did jihadism go global? To answer this question, researcher Thomas Hegghammer has carried out a remarkable, decade-long, terrific effort, collecting sources and interviews while discovering new data. Such research began when most researchers were interested in analysing the latest jihadist group, and it led him to the historic and ideological paradigms of “the most transnational rebel movement in modern history”.
2021 is a significant year for Africa-China relations. It marks 20 years since the Forum for China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was established. China’s Communist Party, which has been in contact with African parties longer than any other political party in the industrialized world, turned 100. Meanwhile, South Africa’s African National Congress, one of the first African movements to be mentored by China, turned 109.
At the upcoming 8th Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), the multiple dimensions of health cooperation between China and Africa (aid, trade, and high politics) will undoubtedly take centre stage. During the past year and a half, as the Covid-19 pandemic raged through the world, China repeatedly made headlines for its alleged role as a global public goods purveyor.
Set up in the benign environment of the post-Cold War period, the Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was a bold diplomatic initiative for China at the time and one which forged a path to ever closer relations. Twenty-one years on the world has changed in unexpected and profound ways, which put China-Africa ties under the spotlight once again. China’s rising stature on the global stage echoes the increasingly dominant economic position it holds across nearly all sectors on the continent.
It seems that not only the economy and health care systems, but also human rights and democracy have proven particularly fragile during the Covid-19 pandemic. Even in more consolidated democracies, governments did not always succeed in ensuring that all the restrictions were necessary and proportionate to the threat to the lives of their citizens.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, many highlighted the link between authoritarian regimes and effectiveness in managing the pandemic. However, when it comes to Africa, the link between the quality of the response and regime type is not a direct correlation. In fact, the efficiency of a country’s pandemic management primarily depended on national trajectories in most cases.
The “vaccine production power” developed by some global actors to fight the COVID-19 pandemic has turned into a soft power tool to influence the international global order.
Last year brought about new, unforeseen challenges for the global community. The Covid-19 pandemic came as an unexpected “black swan” and put abruptly under discussion our life styles, our working practices, the ways we used to do business. In a nutshell, the whole globalization paradigm, which had reached its peak, was under threat by an invisible and microscopical enemy. Today, as we are finally getting out of the most acute phase of the emergency – at least from the health point of view – we are called to a possibly even daunting challenge: how can we build back our societies better?
Two years after their outbreak, the 2019 Hong Kong protests call for enquiry into a new season for social movements behaviour. In addition to being one of the largest and longest sustained episodes of protests challenging authoritarian rule in the 21st century, the movement may set an interesting precedent for anti-authoritarian movements elsewhere, as it appealed to the potential of digitally enabled communication to nurture a sense of community based on collective, horizontal, and participatory decision-making.